Editorial

 

Editorial: Global warming - now for the hard part

09 May 2007

NewScientist.com news service

It may have passed you by but the world's politicians took a step last week that will dominate national and international priorities for decades to come. More than 100 nations, including the US and China, agreed the third report this year from the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which lays out timetables for reducing emissions of greenhouse gases and the ways to achieve the necessary cuts. The consequences of inaction are so dire that, barring utter cynicism on the part of governments, we can expect to be heading for a low-carbon future.

The report, like its two predecessors, has a clear, authoritative message. If we choose to, it says, we can stabilise global temperature at about 2.8 °C above pre-industrial levels. To achieve this we must cut carbon dioxide emissions by up to 60 per cent relative to levels in 2000 - and do so before 2050. There is no room for delay. To hit this target means that CO2 levels will have to have peaked by 2020 at the latest, which gives us just 13 years to reverse the present growth in emissions.

The good news is that to achieve such a change would slow annual growth of GDP by something like 0.12 percentage points, a cost that many economists consider trivial (see "Price of action"). The bad news is that even a 2.8 °C rise could condemn hundreds of millions of people to water shortages, leave millions vulnerable to coastal flooding and put about 30 per cent of species at risk of extinction. If we choose to defer action, the toll of death and destruction will only rise.

Achieving the cuts requires a sweeping switch to low-carbon technologies and practices. In transport we need hybrid vehicles, biofuels and a concerted effort to move traffic from road to rail. Equally radical changes are needed in the construction, agriculture and forestry sectors. Much of the technology already exists and the practices are known. but they are not yet used. The onus is on governments to come up with incentives to change that.

"Much of the technology exists and the practices are known. Now governments have to ensure they are used"

Key to the success of all these measures is putting a price on carbon, particularly when it comes to electricity generation. Today, wind power, solar and other renewable sources generate about 18 per cent of global electricity. The authors calculate that by 2030, if each tonne of CO2 emitted incurs a cost of $50, renewables could increase that share to 30 to 35 per cent. Nuclear power could only marginally increase its share to 18 per cent of total electricity, from 16 per cent at present, because of fears over safety, weapons proliferation and waste disposal. Again, governments must create the conditions to let low-carbon technologies thrive.

One big surprise in the report is that despite the blatant need for alternatives to fossil fuels over the past 30 years, governments have not increased their spending on energy research and development. In real terms, investment today is about half what it was in 1980. This needs immediate attention, especially if carbon is going to be sequestered from power stations, and renewables such as wave and tidal power are to be brought on line. The research gap also raises the question of whether it is time for more international cooperation in this area, rather than the largely piecemeal fashion in which research is now conducted around the world.

The thought of cooperation may not go down well with nations that see themselves as competitors in a fierce global market, but mitigating global warming is going to stand much political thinking on its head because one country's failure spells failure for all. Wealthy developed countries have no option but to help poorer countries acquire low-carbon technologies. The alternatives - to let them burn fossil fuels or prevent them from developing - are unacceptable. The short-term thinking characteristic of modern democracies will also be seriously tested as politicians shape up to the task of convincing voters to change their behaviour not for their own benefit, but for their children's.

Never before have scientists presented governments with such a challenge. The pressure is now on the politicians. Their responses domestically and internationally - at the G8 summit and negotiations to create a successor to the Kyoto protocol - will be crucial. We are about to find out how creative our political leaders really are.

From issue 2603 of New Scientist magazine, 09 May 2007, page 3

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